Boulton would go on to build Watts steam engines. Baskerville’s notable relationships included a mentorship to Matthew Boulton and a friendship with Benjamin Franklin. This would have an effect on where he was laid to rest later in life. Another way he rebelled was by rejecting all religion and considered himself an atheist. Living out of wedlock was not accepted at the time, but Baskerville was not one to follow societal norms. It was not until the age of 44 that he turned to what he is known for today, printing and typography.īaskerville was never married but lived with his partner Sarah. Baskerville then went on to earn his fortune with the popular lacquering process called Japanning. When he was young he worked engraving tombstones, but by the time he was 20 he was working as a writing teacher and in charge of an engraving business. He was a notable printer in Birmingham, England and his typefaces are still used today. The source itself is just one of many which has been recognised by scholars such as Ronald Finucane and Robert Bartlett as important for understanding the medieval concepts of miracle and wonder, as it offers us an insight into how the small city of Hereford became home to one of England’s most prolific miracle workers.John Baskerville was born in Worcestershire, England on January 28, 1706. The bishop of Hereford was, by his landholdings and interests, ostensibly a Marcher Lord, and this adds the question of how his cult spread through oral transmission of these ‘wonder’ tales into native Wales. This paper also focuses on the oral transmission of these wonders. The examples range from a rugged knight with an arrow embedded below his eye, to a Welsh malefactores who was hung and resuscitated. Drawing on a wealth of documentation, this paper examines in depth a few miracles which happened amidst the backdrop of Rhys ap Maredudd’s rebellion in 1287 and the aftermath of the Edwardian conquest. The miracle narratives within Exeter College MS 158 contain traces of the wonder with which they were viewed by contemporaries, and provides us with a glimpse of what ‘normal’ life offered in the Middle Ages for people from every strata of society. Taking as its starting point the second largest miracle collection of an English saint, that of Thomas de Cantilupe, this paper focuses on how concepts of ‘wonder’ were transmitted from Thomas’s tomb in Hereford Cathedral to the wider world and how a border cult such as his could expand into Pura Wallia. If 'the harshness and corruption of some administrators' was a grievance, this was partly because of 'the harshness of the policies which they had in any case Grievances over these men and their behaviour are not easily separable from the financial pressure. This latter category included some local men, but also those who were from outside the region and, in some cases, from outside England. 1 His conclusions, which in most respects have remained unchallenged, were that the revolt in the north derived from a level of royal financial pressure unprecedented in that region, an over-ruthless political exploitation of the consequent debts, and resentment at King John's aggressive use of patronage to favour a narrow circle of the 'king's friends'. Holt's groundbreaking study, The Northerners, based on a detailed analysis drawn from one very important region, offered an interpretation of the origins and course of the 1215 revolt against King John and of the civil war that followed. Overall, although there are some contrasts between the two regions, the study stresses the elements of a common cause in the rebellion. In both regions, the rebellion appears as one directed against an exploitative and intrusive central government and its aggressive curial servants, while also, in the outcome of the rebellion, a degree of common interest between the rebels and baronial loyalists is suggested. In the second, the rebellion is seen as much stronger than it has been portrayed, although here the great rebel barons play a significant role.
In the first, the rebellion is found to be somewhat stronger than has been appreciated and to be, to a considerable extent, one of local county communities, rather than of great barons. After examining the historiography of the 1215–17 conflict and some problems with the evidence, the article deals with the two regions in turn. This study attempts a reassessment of the rebellion of 1215–17 in two regions: southwestern England and the Welsh marches.
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